Shadows of the Past

WAYANG KULIT BASICS

On this first Theatre History Thursday we are going to look into the art form known as wayang kulit! A thrilling still vital shadow theatre form from Southeast Asia. Today we will be focusing on Javanese wayang kulit from Indonesia but be aware there are vibrant forms of shadow theatre in Bali, Malaysia, Thailand, and China as well. Javanese wayang kulit is a traditional shadow theatre that is performed by a single puppeteer, or dalang, using carved-leather puppets as the main ‘actors,’ or performers. While traditionally most dalang have been men there is a small growth of women training to become dalang in both Bali and Java (for more on this look up works by Dr. Jennifer Goodlander). A traditional performance of classical wayang kulit is also known as wayang kulit purwa. In Javanese ‘purwa’ translates to ‘past’ or ‘the very beginning.’ The term ‘wayang purwa’ can be translated as ‘shadows of the past.’ Colloquially wayang kulit purwa is also referred to as ‘old wayang’ or ‘classical wayang.’ Wayang kulit purwa performances present stories from both of the thrilling Indian epics the Mahābhārata and the Ramayana. Performances take place in following sunset which allows a small oil lamp to illuminate the carved puppets against a thin white screen (kelir). This screen is approximately 5 meters long and 1.5 meters tall and a set of banana logs (debog) run horizontally along the base on this screen. Before a performance begins, puppets from the dalang’s collection that will not be used in that evening’s story will be arranged on the far right and far left sides of the screen leaving a roughly 1.5-meter staging area in the middle. The puppets’ main handles are stuck into the banana log, and the puppets are arranged from largest to smallest with the largest puppets on the outer edge of the screen and the smaller, more delicate puppets, closest to the staging area. The more virtuous (alus) puppets are placed on the right, while the less virtuous (kasar) puppets are positioned on the left of the screen.

To begin a typical performance, a dalang sits down cross-legged in front of the screen. Directly to his left sits their puppet box (kotak) and on their right the lid of the puppet box with all the necessary puppets arranged, with the first to appear on top and the last to appear on the bottom. Suspended on the outside of the puppet box there will be small metal plates that the dalang can strike with their right foot to add sound effects, emphasis, and punctuation to a performance. In their hand, or on occasion between their toes, they will hold a small wooden mallet (cempala) that they use to give musical cues to the orchestra (gamelan) arranged behind the dalang. Performances begin with the kayon puppet, also known as the tree of life. This beautifully large and ornate puppet is placed in the very center of the staging area and represents life and the cosmic order of the universe. To cue the performance, a dalang will move the kayon to the side to symbolize that the performance has now entered the realm of the shadows. This movement begins the evening’s lakon, or story. In a traditional wayang kulit production each lakon’s structure can be broken down into three separate sections, or pathet, which each symbolize a different portion of an individual’s life. For a typical performance, the first section (pathet nem) will last from about 9 p.m. till midnight and represents a person’s youth. The second section (pathet sanga) continues from midnight to aroung 3 a.m. and represents a person’s adult life with its internal struggles between good and evil. The third, and final, section (pathet manyura) continues from approximately 3 a.m. until sunrise and represents the final portion of a person’s life (Ulbricht 1970). As noted above, individual wayang purwa performance in Central Java would commonly tell a portion from one of the Indian epics, the Mahābhārata or Ramayana. These classical Indian epics arrived in Java around the first millennia CE. Modern wayang kulit performances still perform portions of these great tales but have also branched out to portray local legends and modern stories as well.

WAYANG KULIT HISTORY

Very little is known about the precise beginnings of wayang kulit due to the age of the form and the lack of physical historical documents. Traditionally, the history of both wayang kulit carving and the form itself were passed down orally from one practitioner to another. In addition, any older documents that might have existed have since succumbed to time and the tropical climate of Indonesia. However, tracing the etymology of the term “wayang kulit” itself can begin to tell us a small amount about the origins of the form. R.L. Mellema notes that the word ‘wayang’ originally could have been translated as ‘ancestor’ (1988: 5). While other scholars, for example H. Ulbricht, have observed that ‘wayang’ has the same root as the Javanese word ‘bayang’ or ‘shadow’ (1970). Mellema also notes that the word for ‘wayang’ in high Javanese, ‘ringgit,’ has a closer meaning to ‘sharply cut’ alluding to the carving of puppets themselves (1988: 5). James Brandon and several other scholars have discussed early Javanese stone carvings from 840 CE and one from 907 CE that mentions ‘mawayang’ which could have meant several different types of wayang performances (1970: 2). Each of these etymological elements describes one, if not multiple facets of what today is colloquially understood as ‘shadow puppet performance.’ As for the exact time and place of origin of wayang kulit, scholars have varying ideas concerning both. In regard to place, some scholars argue that wayang kulit is a borrowed theatrical form from India, while others suggest that wayang kulit is purely Javanese. The argument for Indian origins is largely rooted in the popularity and continued use of Indian story materials, the Mahābhārata and Ramayana, in wayang kulit (Holt 1967: 124; Irvine 1996: 2- 15) 13. The theory of Javanese origins focuses primarily on the idea that wayang kulit is based in traditional ancestor worship and the connection between the real and mystical world through shadows in Javanese society (Brandon 1967: 42; Holt 1967; 124: Irvine 1996: 14; Mellema 1954: 5; Ulbricht 1970: xv). Religious observations, such as ancestor worship and other spiritual practices, in Java were marked by storytelling. Through this practice it is argued that the role of the dalang in wayang kulit developed out of the role of local shaman priests or village elders who were skilled storytellers. To strengthen the claim of pure Javanese origins, scholars point to the fact that wayang kulit contains no technical terms of foreign origin. They argue that if the form had been adopted from a foreign form, one would expect to find a number of borrowed technical terms (Mellema, Rassers).

Due to the lack of historical records, the exact time period in which wayang kulit began also remains under debate. James Brandon places the development of puppetry in Java several centuries before 1000 CE citing a temple carving from 840 CE which recorded several kinds of possible wayang performances (1967: 42). Another relief from 907 CE mentions dances, epic recitations, and mawayang—which may have meant shadow theatre (Brandon 1970: 2; Irvine 1996: 130). Some Javanese scholars believe that the Javanese were using a form of wayang for ancestor worship as far back as 3,000 years ago (Irvine 1996: 129). As previously mentioned, it is theorized that wayang kulit purwa grew out of traditional Javanese ancestor worship, in part, due to the Javanese esoteric understanding of creation and its links to the shadows. In Javanese mythology, it is believed that the world came into being out of an invisible matter, sometimes described as chaos. When the divine pierced this chaos, it began to continually condense and slowly form the known world. Eventually beings, or humans, created in the likeness of God appeared. However, human beings are born into a mortal body that decays and, therefore, man and his spirit are not yet seen as a final result of creation. They are in a “transitory stage” and the period of one single life cannot provide them with enough time or opportunities to reach either the earthly perfection of the soul or the divine. So, a soul is born repeatedly on earth until perfection is finally reached. It is said that man first appeared on earth in transparent form and developed over time into a physical, solid form. Later, once earthly perfection is achieved, a human will return as a dewa, or a deity, in the heavens. These deities evolve past the human body but still remain corporeal and therefore their powers are limited compared to God who has no corporeal form. It is worth noting that both humans and deities have physical forms so they each have representations in wayang kulit. However, God has no form and therefore casts no shadow. Consequently, there is no wayang puppet to represent God (Ulbricht 1970).

It is hypothesized that wayang kulit began as a nighttime performance for two main reasons. One being that the Javanese traditionally believe that the spirits are more active at night. The second being that shadows, as two-dimensional objects, are both visible and non-material things. Thus, the shadows are a link between both the visible and non-visible worlds. This in combination with milestones being traditionally marked with storytelling gives a picture of how shadow theatre could have formed in early Javanese society (Brandon, Irvine, Ulbricht). No one date marks the introduction of Hinduism in Java or Indonesia. The introduction of the religion and its political systems remains a bit of a puzzle for scholars. The earliest Sanskrit inscriptions found in Java suggest that a Hindu kingdom, Taruma, existed around the fifth century CE and it is known that the Shivaite Hindu dynasty existed under King Sanjaya in the middle of the eighth century (Irvine 1996: 4). What is known is that, in the first 400 years of the Common Era Hinduism took a strong foothold across Java and eventually became an integral part of the Javanese court systems (Irvine 1996: 4). Javanese rulers were greatly attracted to the Hindu concept of a divinely ordained king. This concept was well loved by the elite as it could be used to legitimize a ruler’s place on the throne. Javanese rulers would further legitimize their elevated place in the courts through the epic and increasingly popular tales of the Mahābhārata and Ramayana. Once these epics were introduced, somewhere between the third and fifth century CE (Irvine 1996: 16-17), they became widely popular in both the courts and rural areas and eventually became the core story material for wayang kulit purwa. Over time, further additions were made to these epics which localized them by integrating elements from Javanese histories, stories, and culture. With the introduction of these epics many of the Javanese deities who had corresponding Hindu gods were assigned the Hindu names and several new Hindu characters or deities were also introduced into Javanese mythology (Brandon, Irvine, Ulbricht). Javanese deities who did not have a corresponding deity in the Hindu pantheon retained their Javanese names (Ulbricht 1970). The epic stories of the Ramayana and Mahābhārata are just that, epic. They are extraordinarily long sagas that were ultimately broken down into smaller portions, or individual stories, over time. These stories were then formatted to fit the length of a wayang kulit performance. While there is a large gap in the records of wayang performances, beginning with the carvings dating from 840 and 907 CE spanning until the 11th century, it is believed that the puppets that were created for wayang performances before the 11th century were fairly simple, non-jointed and made of water buffalo hide (Sunarto 2004). Accounts of wayang kulit being performed regularly appear in court records as early as the 11th and 12th centuries. These records make no note of exact carving processes of the puppets but do state that wayang kulit was being performed frequently during this period (Irvine 1996; Brandon 1970). Later records indicate that the puppets during this period were still non- jointed, made of water buffalo leather, and operated by a single dalang. Since no puppets remain from this time period more specific details on the actual physicality of the puppets during this period remain unknown. However, it is suspected that, in accordance with Hindu concepts of art at the time, the puppets would have been given a more realistic “human” appearance in comparison to the puppets we know today (Angst 2000: 215; Brandon 1970: 40; Ulbricht 1970: 28). David Irvine argues that, like the carvings of the time, wayang kulit puppets of this period most likely had their heads facing forward so the entirety of the face was visible and not portrayed in profile or semi-profile, as they are now (1996: 131). Further support for this argument can also be found in the suggested beginnings of the form. As previously discussed, many scholars believe that early wayang performances were used as a method of ancestor worship and as a way to connect with the spiritual world. So, presumably puppets would have resembled the human form, or the form of their ancestors. In summation, while not much is known about the early period of wayang kulit puppetry—as leather naturally decays and no original puppets from this period exist—these are the existing, educated hypotheses in regard to what the puppets might have looked like both before and throughout the Hindu era. Additional insight as to how wayang kulit puppetry evolved into a form more closely resembling the puppets most would recognize today can be found in the late 13th to 16th century CE, particularly with the introduction of Islam later in this period and shifting powers within Central Java. One such significant change that occurred due to the introduction of Islam was the dramatic revision of the genealogy of the gods and characters in wayang kulit. The concept of one true god directly clashed with the Javanese and Hindu mythology being told through the wayang kulit repertoire at the time. This was resolved by integrating the Javanese and Hindu gods into the Islamic creation story. For example, the ‘old’ gods were humanized by making them descendants of Adam and Eve which in turn put them under the one God (Irvine 1996: 21). While this was originally present in the formation of wayang kulit and the epics told in performance it can be argued that less of this is seen in modern times. Despite the introduction of Islam at this time and the shifts in genealogies, wayang kulit continued to develop and relate Hindu stories. In the year 1439 CE Raden Patah of Demak converted to Islam and subsequently changed his name to Sultan Sah Ngalam Akbar. The Sultan was a noted fan of wayang kulit and even commissioned a special set of puppets featuring internal carving for his court in 1525 CE. When referring to internal carving I mean the intricate carving inside the puppets such as facial features, decorative flowers, clothing patterns, etc. Internal carving refers to all carving on a wayang kulit puppet that is not the external outline. With the request from Sultan Akbar, we have the first written record of internal carving in wayang kulit puppets, whereas prior to this instance all known documentation only existed detailing carving of the external outline of the puppet. However, it is generally believed that despite the lack of earlier documentation some internal carving was probably employed before this period. What is known is that Sultan Akbar’s new puppets had the eyes, ears, and mouths “indicated by incisions” (Ulbricht 1970). Although Sultan Akbar was an admirer of wayang kulit, it is believed that over time the former enthusiast began to see wayang kulit as falling outside of the teachings of Islam. Due to his interpretation of religious doctrine Sultan Akbar eventually outlawed wayang kulit altogether. Yet, the popularity of wayang performances in his empire eventually won out and, according to Ulbricht, the form was reinstated thanks to the continued guidance of his advisors, or wali. However, with this re-introduction of the form, his advisors apparently reduced the puppets down to the basic outlines of characters thereby convincing the Sultan that these simple objects could not be construed as representations of men and were therefore acceptable under the teachings of Islam (1970:30). While the Sultan’s story is a singular example of Islam’s influence on wayang kulit, many scholars argue that a more significant correlation exists between the introduction of Islam and the formation of the current form of wayang kulit puppets we know today. Scholars believe that the exaggeration of specific features of wayang kulit puppets during this period is linked to Islamic teachings and rules regarding art (Brandon, Holt, Irvine, Moerdowo, Ulbricht). Islamic art generally does not include the representation of lifelike human beings or other living creatures as instructed in both the Qur’an and the hadiths. While the Qur’an does not explicitly condemn the representation of human figures it does highly denounce idolatry. When discussing human representation in the hadiths it explicitly states that humans should not attempt to ‘create’ another being as that is purely the work of God (DIA 2001, Ulbricht 1970). With the introduction of Islam and aniconic views, it seems wayang kulit stretched the boundaries of this notion by literally stretching the puppets themselves. It is argued that penatah in this time period elongated the arms, legs, neck, and certain facial features of the puppets to prevent them from looking too “human.” The introduction of elaborate paint and gilding, which was also established during this period, could have also been an effort to further exaggerate the puppets and remove them further from resembling the human form (Irvine, Ulbricht).

Carving a wayang kulit puppet.

Moving forward to the mid-1500s and early 1600s, members of the ruling class had once again provided several more documented evolutions to the form. The performance of wayang kulit was incredibly popular with the noble class and royal courts in Central Java at this time. Due to its favored status, several noble individuals and Sultans took measures to aesthetically refine the appearance of the puppets themselves. Competition between the Yogyakarta and Surakarta courts during this time, as Walter Angst describes it, was an “incentive for making the puppets more sophisticated, more elaborately painted, and richer in their accessories of clothes and jewelry (2000: 215).” During this period sultans, as well as members of the nobility, added new details and adornments to wayang kulit puppets to adapt to Islamic teachings, modify the form slightly to their own personal tastes, and generally enhance the sophistication of their court’s version of wayang kulit (Angst 2000: 215; Ulbricht 1970: 30-31). The known advancements and changes to the puppets during this time are seen in the Table 2-115 below. Of note, one might find different dates cited for these advancements in wayang kulit in other sources, due to the fact that the Javanese notated their years in accordance with the Shaka era. The Shaka year 1 equates to year 79 CE and all dates in this dissertation have been adjusted to reflect their CE equivalent. While all changes made to the wayang kulit puppets during this period were significant in the formation of what we know now as traditional Central Javanese puppets, the modification that made the most impact to the way wayang kulit is performed was the addition of jointed, moveable arms. James Brandon stated that these jointed arms are said to have been developed by 1630 CE at the Mataram court (1970: 7). However, Ulbricht credits Susuhunan Anyakrawati with ordering a puppet set for his court that had moveable arms around the same time (1970: 31). The introduction of articulation to the puppets, no matter who first introduced them, would have been a complete revolution for wayang kulit performance as it would have created advancements in not only general movement but performance structure as well. Moveable arms on wayang kulit puppets would have allowed for dynamic additions to the form but in particular to the battle scenes. It is also possible this addition led to the practice of having more characters on screen at once as it easily became clearer what character was talking on screen and to the lengthening of battle scenes. By the mid-1750s the iconography within wayang kulit carving began to solidify and many characters could be classified and identified by roughly twenty-five specific physical features including: body size; stance; head tilt; eye size and shape; nose size and shape; hair; and by style or number of adornments (Angst, Brandon, Irvine, Mellema, Sagio, Sunarto). Traits such as these can be used to classify characters and also indicate various levels of refinement. Various combinations of these different attributes can be used to create the hundreds of human, ogre, and divine characters from the most alus or “refined” (e.g.: Arjuna, one of the infamous Pandawa brothers. An incredibly refined and popular character in wayang kulit purwa tales) to the kasar or “coarse” (e.g.: ogres). Changes to wayang kulit also came about with the split of the Mataram empire after the death of the ruler Pakubuwana17 II in 1749 CE. His son Pangerang Adipai Anon (official title: Pakubuwana III) took control of the empire under the protection of the Dutch in Surakarta. Meanwhile, Mangkubumi, the half-brother of Pakubuwana II, also proclaimed himself heir to the Mataram empire in the town of NgaJogjakarta (later known as Yogyakarta) (Groenendael 1985: 9). While differences and competition between the courts existed before this split; this event precipitated the beginnings of solidified Surakarta and Yogyakarta regional styles. While main characters can still be identified by the main iconography other differences began to take shape. Following the development of the Surakrata and NgaJogjakarta courts, records of the specific iconography for regional styles began to be collected and held in their respective kraton. The general design patterns for wayang kulit purwa characters have remained relatively unchanged across Central Java since this time. This is not to say that penatah have not been experimenting with new designs and new characters that use inivative patterns and design concepts outside of purwa puppets. The exact reasoning for the halt in further development in wayang kulit purwa puppets is unknown. However, it is possible that the authority of the kraton, the kraton artists, the popularity of kraton style, or a combination of all three influenced this solidification of styles.

The 20th and 21st century brought even more fundamental changes to Central Java and wayang kulit. In 1942 Indonesia entered World War II with the Japanese occupation of the islands. It wasn’t until 1945 that Indonesia saw the Japanese surrender and the end of the war. That same year Indonesia declared their independence from the Dutch and then soon followed the presidency of Drs. (or Ir.) Kusno Sosrodihardjo, known as Sukarno (1945-1967). Throughout the Sukarno and subsequent Suharto (1967-1998) regimes, wayang kulit was used as a tool to spread government policies and propaganda (Blackburn 2004: 15-30, 89-112). Dalang were strongly encouraged (either monetarily or otherwise) to include government policies in their performances—public or individual sponsorship of a performance did not make a difference in whether or not propaganda was encouraged.

However, despite these hardships and major changes occurring in Indonesia wayang purwa has remained a favorite form of entertainment across Central Java! Significant elements continue to be added to wayang kulit performance in Central Java in the late 20th century and into the 21st. Some of the most recent additions include the introduction of microphones, speakers, electric lights in the place of oil lamps, and a variety of other electronic elements. These modern additions are added to not only enhance performances but allow for performances to be heard and seen by larger audiences (Mrázek 2005). Wayang kulit performances are now broadcast on television and radio; recorded on DVDs for later sale; used in numerous marketing campaigns; and performed as shortened versions in large tourist areas in both major cities and weekly at the Yogyakarta kraton. Social media platforms are also being used to spread wayang kulit to even larger audiences. You can watch some wayang kulit performances live on YouTube! Globalization, technology, and growing tourism are all continuing to add to the development of the form and to the practice of wayang kulit. In other words this classical theatre form still lives on.

Kresna puppet in the Yogyakarta style. Carved by Pak Sagio 2015.

Want to watch a full wayang kulit presentation? Visit here: https://youtu.be/KjYNHkopkV8 This is a performance by Ki Purbo Asmoro in the Surakarta style.

Yes it is primarily in Javanese. Yes, it is over 6 hours long! Thats what makes the fact that a single dalang performs this straight with no breaks so darn impressive! Note: You don't need to speak Javanese to appreciate the movement and art that is shadow theatre.

Go to 5:00:30 to start the final battle scene.

Works Cited

• Angst, Walter. Wayang Indonesia: die Phantastische Welt des Indonesischen Figurentheaters - The Fantastic World of Indonesia Puppet Theater. Konstanz: Stadler Konstanz. 2007.

• Brandon, James R. On Thrones of Gold: Three Javanese Shadow Plays. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press. 1970.

• ——. Theatre in Southeast Asia. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1967.

• Holt, Claire. Art in Indonesia: Continuities and Change. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. 1967.

• Irvine, David. Leather Gods & Wooden Heroes: Java’s Classical Wayang. Singapore: Times Editions - Marshall Cavendish. 2005.

• Mellema, R.L. Wayang Puppets: Carving, Colouring, Symbolism. Amsterdam: Royal Tropical Institute. 1988.

• Mrázek, Jan. Phenomenology of a Puppet Theatre: Contemplations on the Art of Javanese Wayang Kulit. Leiden: KITLV Press. 1998.

• Sunarto in Tannenbaum, Kristina. "Carving out a New Future: Wayang Kulit in Central Java, Indonesia." Dissertation. University of Hawaii at Manoa. 2018.

• Ulbricht, H. Wayang Purwa: Shadows of the Past. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. 1970.